Showing posts with label Arizona. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Arizona. Show all posts

Monday, November 1, 2010

Arizona game tribes increase payments

30 October 2010 01 H 01
Associated Press

State officials say that they see an increase in revenues of tribal casinos for the first time in 2 1/2 years.

Department of games reports payments that tribes of will be approach 22 million for the quarter ending September 30 b.c ' East of 1.1% in the quarter of last year.

Director of game, Mark Brnovich said quarter gain one isn't enough to declare a trend, but it could be the first indication of a turnaround.

Payments money is distributed to various special funds, including those for education, emergency services, tourism and gambling prevention.

Tribes in Arizona 22 casinos paying State between 1 and 8 per cent of their gross income from certain types of games of chance, including machines slot and card games.

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Considered with respect to the debate on affirmative action in Arizona

by Dianna M. Ná?ez - 30 October 2010 12 H.
The Arizona Republic

To Arizona to ban affirmative action sponsored by State measures has intensified in the weeks preceding the elections Tuesday, the. But the people on both sides to agree on one thing: If the measure passes, it raises similar national proposals and re-launch the debate on whether America has moved beyond racial and sexual discrimination which under the leadership of the movement of the 1960s civil protection.

107 Is a proposed constitutional amendment to ban affirmative action in the State, County and the municipalities of higher education, procurement and hiring, at least to ban could result in the loss of federal funds or violating a court order.If voters approve the measure, Arizona would become the fifth State to pass a ban on affirmative action.

Although these laws have slowly spread from California in 1996, supporters and opponents of prop.107 affirmative action bans say get a larger advertising if the measure passes because nation concentrates on the policy of Arizona and .Opposants immigration laws say that expect several States to mimic the Senate Bill 1070 try also take positive action that bans.

Crossing prop.107 Arizona is part of a broader strategy to target States by region, said Ward Connerly, who heads a Californian purpose non-profit based on the dismantling of the measures of positive action in all 50 States.

Opponents say that the target group of Arizona because of support from the GOP majority of racial laws prohibiting ethnic studies and by targeting illegal immigration legislature.

Measurement history

Connerly led campaign "Yes on 107.

His group was behind a similar initiative citizens in Arizona who was disqualified from the ballot in 2008 due to a lack of valid signatures.

This year, Connerly worked with Senator Russell Pearce, R-Mesa and Rep Steve Montenegro, R-Litchfield Park, who co-sponsored the Bill to designate the ballot measure.

Pearce said that he wanted the reference to evade difficult and costly effort to collect enough signatures for the petition for a citizens initiative.

"Arizona is the first state legislature has returned for the ballot)," he said, adding that Connerly should push for legislative reference instead of citizen initiatives in other States.

Opponents of the measure are hoping the measurement fails and signals to other States that America has not achieved equality for women and people of colour.

Affirmative action

Positive action was born in the 1960s civil rights movement.Programs aimed at redressing discrimination institutionalized giving women and minorities years special consideration in public education, employment and decisions today, public bodies more not basing decisions on quotas but could, for example, give preferential treatment to a group underrepresented in hiring decisions or admissions.

Some municipalities, Tucson, focusing on a qualified women and minority businesses to ensure that they receive a fair share of gouvernementaux.Contrats contracts financed by the Federal Government to Arizona to retain the positive action, even if prop.107 passes.

The arguments

Pearce said that arizona has become a leader in passing legislation that appeals to voters at national.Prop.107 pass, he said, and in other States, voters will be putting pressure on their legislators to the same constitutional protections enjoy Arizona, he said.

"(Prop.107) is underway in souffrance.Vous cannot discriminate against a group rather than the other", he said."Affirmative action... should have begun to jamais.Les Americans are on our side of a coast to coast on this issue."

Connerly believes prop.107 because affirmative action programs are discriminatory, obsolete and increase racial tensions.

But legislators, students, teachers and companies against the coalition argues that Connerly falsely represented affirmative action in Arizona.

Rep David Lujan, D-Phoenix, said that Connerly described quotas for minorities in the college admission process that do not exist in Arizona.La Supreme Court in 2003 prohibits these quotas when the Court pronounced on undergraduate students of Michigan law school admissions procedures.

The Court has allowed the race to take into consideration the admissions at the University, but limited how much of a factor could be .alors-Justice Sandra Day o ' Connor was the decisive vote and writes that America had not reached the point where there no need for positive action.

She wrote: "we expect that 25 years, the use of racial preferences is necessary interest endorsed today."

Officials with the public universities of the Arizona say they follow the decision of Michigan.

Max Feldhake, a student of 21 years who co-chairs Arizona State University lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and Queer Coalition, said he should think about whether the 50 years of positive action may do for hundreds of years of prejudice.

The impact

Although the State or Arizona municipal governments have declared not programs would be affected if the measure passes, many opponents and supporters agree that he would have an impact on aid financed by the State to a person based on the colour or sex.

Opponents say might lose funding programs include those who help the Indians to graduating college; provides educational resources for women seeking science, construction or technology degrees; and providing assistance to women victims of domestic violence.

Connerly said that these programs can continue without interruption, as long as they are open to all.

If prop.107 passes, Lujan said, Arizona will probably see the rate of registered minorities and graduating college cuts, as was the case in California when it is passed a similar prohibition.

Connerly has recognized the potential decrease, but said that he would be temporaire.Diversité bounced in most universities in California, he said.

Oscar Tillman, head of the NAACP of Maricopa County and a pastor of Phoenix, stated that if the proposal 107 passes, it will damage Arizona image even more.

"Very now, the rest of the country watch Arizona as the Mississippi River in the West", he said. "If this passes, racial tensions will be worse not better, way worse.?

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Sunday, October 31, 2010

Arizona corrections officer has awarded more than $600,000

by JJ Hensley - 30 October 2010 12 H.
The Arizona Republic

Michelle Barfield has been prepared for the prisoners to harass her when she started his new job as an agent of Arizona, Department of corrections unit high security in Florence two years ago.

This Barfield do not count on receiving worse treatment of her co-workers.

Found federal jury treatment that Barfield endured by a group of male colleagues, including the words vulgar sexual acts and references to her marriage interracial, was inacceptable.La last week, the jury awarded its $ 600,000 in U.S. District Court.

The decision of the Court, in which a judge called "bestial," behavior of certain agents complete Barfield two years with the Department of services correctionnels.Mais fight his time with the Agency of the State prison is not continuous work for the State Agency, now in a different installation finie.Elle and hope she is sharing her story will prevent the situation from repeating itself.

Corrections Director Charles said Ryan takes seriously the allegations of harassment and has implemented a program of additional training for supervisors from allegations of Barfield to the Agency.

"I am disappointed by the signaled behavior and the apparent failure by the previous administration to respond to complaints from the employee in an appropriate manner", Ryan wrote in a development State. "This type of behavior will not be tolerated in the Department of corrections under my watch Arizona.?

Barfield said her allegations of harassment were ignored or minimized by supervisors at the prison in Florence, so that it remains skeptical about the commitment of the Organization to the dismantling of the correctional "boys club" agents that she said dominate some units of the State.

One of the policemen accused of harassing Barfield was fired for "conduct" and a supervisor has received a written reprimand to not respond to the concerns of the Barfield earlier, but it remains an employee of the Department of correctional services with other involved human.

Barfield supports harassment began almost as soon as she started to work in the central unit of Florence in November 2008 with co-workers, making comments about his appearance, his body and his motivations for working in a prison.

"They said, ' no daughter wants to work here, unless they want (having sexual relations with) an inmate or other agent,'"Barfield recalled in a recent interview.""

Firstly, Barfield said, she said other corrections officers do not talk of this fa?on.puis she tried to ignore it.

Colleagues said officers Barfield that correspond to their behaviour - as Barfield handcuffing a prisoner and his cap of Rotator cuff tear cell spam - fighting were part of initiation to the unit.

Time went without his colleagues change their behaviour, Barfield brought the situation to the attention of a commander.

Commander sergeant David Wall, initially encouraged at file a report "so that it would not become a problem (human resources)", said Barfield.

Later, wall was reprimanded by a Deputy Director in Florence.

"If you had been more involved with your subordinates inappropriate behavior would have been treated sooner or does not come completely,"Assistant Director Greg Fizer wrote on the wall.""

An officer was fired, but the situation is hardly améliorée.Autres officers responded not contacting it a hazard in the workplace.

Word is out in the Court marriage prison interracial Barfield.Bient?t, suspected of being members of a gang of white supremacist prison began making remarks about her marriage.

Barfield counsel wrote a letter to Attorney General Terry Goddard, warning him that nonresponse State put Barfield in a dangerous situation.

While Barfield processing improved working with his transfer to another complex, the apparent indifference of Florence goalkeeper kept on the stand during the trial of the Barfield left his wondering whether of the State prison system is seriously addressing sexual harassment.

In the trial, counsel for the Barfield, Stephen Montoya, queried guard Carson McWilliams and is reported in detail on reporting other officers to Barfield.Les statements included explicit officials want to comments submitted to sexual acts.

McWilliams said that the statements were certainly inappropriées.Mais he maintained that they have stopped harassment because there is no "other factors" issue, such as a supervisor of these declarations to a subordinate.

"One of the things we teach our employees to train our staff to do certainly is silent when things, and we will deal with them," said McWilliams. "Part of what led, is facts about talking and speaking immediately to do things.?

Barfield and his lawyer say his attempts to take the floor was ignored and there immediacy little or no response from the Ministry in its complaint.

U.S. District judge Frederick Martone agreed, written response State "goes well beyond neglect."

"I mean, it is almost worse that they did not know what kinds of conditions were prevailing in the cell block 4 if they knew and did nothing," Martone wrote. "" """This is just outrageous."

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Saturday, October 30, 2010

Arizona immigration law has not lived in reputation

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by Alia Beard Rau - Oct. 29, 2010 12:00 AM
The Arizona Republic

The nation's toughest immigration law has been in effect for three months. But after the federal courts prevented key portions from going into effect, it has failed to live up to both opponents' worst fears and supporters' greatest hopes.

Immigrant-rights groups and major Arizona law-enforcement agencies say they've heard of no arrests made or citations issued using the statutes created under Senate Bill 1070, and no Arizona resident has taken advantage of the portion of the law that allows them to sue an official or agency that is not enforcing federal immigration law to the fullest extent.

The law that went into effect on July 29 is a shadow of its original self. The day before, U.S. District Judge Susan Bolton halted four key provisions from going into effect, including the portion of the law that requires a police officer to verify a person's status when there is reasonable suspicion that the subject is an undocumented immigrant.

Gov. Jan Brewer is appealing Bolton's ruling, and the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals will hear arguments from both sides Monday in San Francisco.

But several state statutes created under SB 1070 went into effect on July 29. Individuals on both sides of the issue said after Bolton's ruling that the law still had teeth.

New statutes

The statutes allowed to go into effect do several things:

-?Require government officials and agencies to enforce federal immigration laws to the fullest extent permitted by federal law and allow Arizona residents to sue if the official or agency adopts a policy that violates this requirement.

-?Allow law enforcement to pull anybody over for any traffic violation if the driver is suspected of engaging in the "smuggling" of human beings for profit or commercial purposes. This could include stopping a driver for a secondary offense such as not wearing a seat belt, which in every other circumstance can be cited only if the driver is stopped for a separate primary violation such as speeding.

-?Make it a crime to pick up or be picked up as a day laborer if the vehicle is stopped on a road and impeding traffic.

-?Make it a crime to encourage an illegal immigrant to come to Arizona or transport, conceal, harbor or shield an immigrant if the person knows or recklessly disregards the fact the immigrant is in the country illegally. This offense has to be during the commission of another criminal offense.

The American Civil Liberties Union and other immigrant-advocacy groups had said they were concerned overzealous law enforcement would misapply these remaining portions of the law, particularly the harboring and day-labor provisions.

Sen. Russell Pearce, R-Mesa, who sponsored the bill, said in July that even though Bolton struck down parts of the law, the remaining portions still meant "the handcuffs come off law enforcement."

On Thursday, he said that despite there having been no arrests under the law, it has succeeded at driving illegal immigrants out of Arizona and assisting law enforcement.

"It is having the impact needed," he said. "I have talked to law enforcement, and they intend to use these laws."

He said it has also succeeded at getting some law-enforcement agencies to change policies that before did not allow officers to question individuals such as witnesses and crime victims about their legal status.

Law enforcement

But even with the "handcuffs" removed, law enforcement agencies in Maricopa County, Cochise County, Tempe, Glendale, Peoria, Gilbert and elsewhere say they have made no arrests under the new statutes. Phoenix officials did not respond to a public-records request submitted Oct. 8 seeking arrest data.

Mark Spencer, president of the Phoenix Law Enforcement Association, a union that supported the law, did not return calls seeking similar information.

Immigrant-advocacy groups, which have been tracking the issue closely and encouraging individuals to contact them with reports of arrests or racial discrimination, say they have heard of no arrests anywhere in the state.

Mike Tellef, a Peoria Police Department spokesman, said his department has decided to wait on future court rulings before enforcing SB 1070. He said the department has suspended its policy relating to the law.

Glendale Officer Gerald Sydnor said his officers have been told that they can enforce the statutes of SB 1070 not halted by the court. But he said no officers have recommended charges for SB 1070 offenses.

Cochise County Sheriff Larry Dever said Bolton's decision to halt part of the law rendered the entire thing "moot."

"With the law as it is now, not much is going to change," he said.

Dever said the most beneficial part of the law was a portion the judge halted, one that required all law-enforcement officials to check an individual's immigration status. It wouldn't have changed what law enforcement in Cochise already does, he said, but it would have made the requirement uniform across the state.

"Sanctuary policies suggest that, at some point in time, if you cross the finish line, you're home free," he said.

Policy changes

Pearce has said the most important portion of the law allowed to go into effect is the provision that requires local agencies to enforce federal immigration law. He said that will end the trend of "sanctuary cities" because it means cities cannot have policies that, for example, forbid an officer from questioning a witness or crime victim about his or her legal status.

He has criticized several cities for having what he described as sanctuary policies, including Mesa and Chandler.

In September, Mesa changed its policy to no longer forbid officers from questioning the immigration status of crime victims, witnesses, domestic-violence victims, individuals seeking medical assistance, and some juveniles.

Chandler has been examining its policy but has not yet made any changes to it. The city allows officers to question all misdemeanor and felony suspects about their immigration status, but Police Chief Sherry Kiyler has said officers would not ask the status of crime victims, witnesses, civil-traffic violators, or juveniles who are not charged with violent crimes.

Community impact

Gov. Jan Brewer declined to comment about the impact of SB 1070 during its first three months.

Her spokesman, Paul Senseman, said only that her office doesn't have information available about arrests.

Salvador Reza, a day-labor advocate for Puente, grass-roots immigrant-rights group, said the lack of arrests proves SB 1070 is nothing more than a political ploy. He said that law enforcement is still arresting and questioning immigrants about their legal status but that the officers are using existing laws and not SB 1070.

"SB 1070 has not been used as a way to enforce the law in any way, shape or form," Reza said. "It was never needed."

He said he also doesn't believe the law has been successful in its goal of "attrition through enforcement." He said immigrants are leaving Arizona because of the economy and lack of jobs, not because of fear of SB 1070.

Lydia Guzman of the immigration-rights group Respeto said that although she has not heard of any arrests under SB 1070, she believes it has been successful in driving immigrants out of Arizona.

"People are leaving the state," she said.

Connie Andersen of Valley Interfaith Project said the Hispanic community felt a sense of relief after Bolton halted part of the law. But she said a general fear has lingered.

"The population is less inclined than ever before to report crime, and we're hearing about escalations of criminal behavior in pockets where people feel they are unable to call police," Andersen said.

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Thursday, October 28, 2010

Arizona right, forcing police to resell weapons confiscated firearms stirs concerns

by Sonu Munshi - 26 October 2010 12 H.
The Arizona Republic

When Governor Jan Brewer signed 1108 SB in April, he made headlines for U.S. citizens in Arizona carry concealed firearms without autorisation.Mais some question a provision that grows resell weapons confiscated guns dealers local police departments allowed.

Peoria City Council last week adopted a measure allowing police to continue their current practice of destroying most of the confiscated weapons.

Although the laws of the State requires the resale of weapons, officials in the town of Northwest Valley say SB 1108 allows local bans.Police fear Peoria resale could put weapons in between bad hands.

Senator Russell Pearce, R-Mesa, who proposed the law stated that the next legislative session it plans to fix the "fault" agencies using "skirt the law" and destroy "perfectly good weapons."

He said that the idea was to "prevent the destruction of legitimate, legal, weapons which may be sold to distributors authorized".

Currently, Apache Junction is the only city in the Valley as the Arizona Republic regularly sell weapons confisquées.Certains policing Valley said that they would adhere to the new law of the State if necessary, while others said that they will continue to follow local policies and destroying confiscated weapons.

Arizona, according to the National Rifle Association, is the third State in the nation to require the sale of weapons confisquées.Kentucky and Tennessee are the other two.

The NRA spokesman Alexa Fritts said that the Group considers selling weapons to an authorized agent ensures that guns go law-abiding lois.Idéalement, Chaska, Minnesota, police chief Scott Knight, who is Chairman of the Committee of firearms, the International Association of Chiefs of police, said they hope confiscated weapons would be released into circulation in the market.

Peoria city attorney Steve Kemp said "the public interest is best served" does not resale of guns.

"We are deeply aware that studies conducted by the Ministry of justice of the United States (suggest) that, in many of violence to the Mexico drug cartels, arms could come from the United States, and that we do not want to be involved in any way in their arms purchases," said Kemp.

Peoria Larry quoted Ratcliff prominent recent examples of Las Vegas and Washington, D.C., in which the weapons used in crimes were police chief goes back to resales of enforcement of the law in Memphis, Tennessee

"I would rather not Peoria name associated to any shootings or, worse, murders," he said.

Ratcliff said the approximately 10 000 $ to $20,000 would obtain annually in sales of weapons is not worth the effort.

Pearce said he was surprised cities aren't jumping on this as a means of strengthening the income of the city.

Apache Junction changed its order to begin to do all that, in 2007, sales, confiscated weapons valued at $100 or more.

While not a "mostly", Apache Junction police captain Thomas Kelly said: "you can get a few dollars them without destroying them."

Several towns in the Valley, including Phoenix, Scottsdale, Gilbert and Glendale, destroy most armes.Le Sergeant Steve Martos, a spokesman for the Phoenix, said he was political destruction or melt in the majority of weapons or trade some dealers for weapons to the needs of the Department licensed through city police.

"But they are rare, Martos said.

Glendale and said Phoenix even if their policy was allowed to destroy if they must adapt to new laws, they comply.

Avondale destroying weapons until the new loi.Pour now, they are stored in a warehouse until the police officers was seek counsel on how to proceed, direction city spokesperson.

In 2003, with the support of Mayor Mesa then Keno Hawker, changed its policy to destroy weapons to leave room for auction arms with a value of $100 or more for the Mesa current practical autorisés.La distributors is destroy, police spokesman Sgt. Ed Wessing said.

Mesa Advisor Dennis Kavanaugh, an opponent of long-standing agencies selling firearms, said that the new law of the State upsets him even more.

"We should not have the Legislative Assembly of the State to local police departments dictating policy, said Kavanaugh.".

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Tuesday, October 26, 2010

Question of the judge if Arizona obtained illegally the lethal injection drugs

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by Michael Kiefer - Oct. 25, 2010 12:00 AM
The Arizona Republic

Jeffrey Landrigan was sentenced to death 20 years ago today for the 1989 murder of Chester Dean Dyer in Phoenix.

Now the clock ticks as he sits on death row in Florence, wondering if he will be executed at 10 a.m. Tuesday or if an eleventh-hour legal maneuver will cause his execution to be put off for a third time.

On Sunday night, Gov. Jan Brewer announced that she would not grant a reprieve to Landrigan based on new evidence.

And today, a federal judge will question whether the state legally obtained one of the drugs needed for the execution by lethal injection. A nationwide shortage of sodium thiopental has raised questions by Landrigan's defense attorneys on whether the state went outside of U.S. Food and Drug Administration regulations to get its supply.

Despite a federal judge's order late Saturday, the state is balking at revealing where it obtained the drug, saying the information is protected by a state law concealing the identities of those involved in executions.

Last week, the Arizona Supreme Court refused to consider either the drug controversy or the new evidence.

These are the latest twists to Landrigan's long and troubled story, which, according to court records and media accounts, is a tale of crime, substance abuse and a life mostly spent in correctional facilities.

As Tuesday's scheduled execution approaches, Landrigan awaits his fate.

Landrigan was born into a family of criminals.

His birth father, whom he never met face to face, died on death row in Arkansas. His grandfather was shot to death by police while robbing a drugstore.

And even before a court found that he killed Dyer, ostensibly by stabbing and strangling him, he had already been convicted of another murder.

According to court filings, Landrigan was born March 17, 1962, to a woman who had used drugs and alcohol all through her pregnancy. His birth name was Billy Patrick Wayne Hill, and his father abandoned him when he was a month old. His mother later abandoned him at a day-care center when he was 8 months old.

He was put up for adoption in Oklahoma. As an adolescent, he abused drugs and alcohol and spent time in juvenile-correctional facilities.

In 1982, when he was 20, he got into an argument with a childhood friend while both were drinking. The other man was about to become a father and he wanted Landrigan to be the boy's godfather. Instead, the two went outside the man's trailer where Landrigan stabbed him to death.

Landrigan was found guilty of first-degree murder and sentenced to death, but the conviction was overturned on appeal and Landrigan entered a plea agreement to second-degree murder and a 20-year prison term.

Landrigan actually came to know his birth father, Darrel Hill, while in prison. A fellow prisoner in Oklahoma had known Hill from prison in Arkansas and remarked that Landrigan bore such a strong resemblance that he must be Hill's son. He was. Landrigan and Hill struck up correspondence.

Despite his murder plea, Landrigan was put on a minimum-security work crew, and he would sneak away to have sex with a woman he had met in a park. On Nov. 11, 1989, he walked for good, escaping from prison. He headed for Yuma, where he hoped to find his birth mother.

He met Dyer in Phoenix. Dyer, 42, worked in a health club and was known to pick up men and take them home. He met Landrigan at a Burger King.

On Dec. 13, 1989, Dyer called friends at a bar to tell them he was having sex with a man named Jeff. Days later, Dyer was found strangled by an electrical cord and stabbed to death in his apartment. A deck of pornographic playing cards were strewn over the bed and the ace of hearts was dramatically propped up on Dyer's back.

Days later, Landrigan and another man were seen by police stealing a car and breaking into an abandoned house. Landrigan's shoes matched a footprint left in sugar in Dyer's apartment.

According to media accounts at the time, Landrigan told police that he had beaten Dyer after Dyer made sexual advances, but that another man had done the killing.

Landrigan was offered a plea deal to second-degree murder but opted to go to trial. On June 28, 1990, a jury found him guilty of burglary, theft and first-degree felony murder.

Landrigan was uncooperative and disruptive during his trial, and as the judge pondered whether he should be sentenced to death or to life in prison, he refused to let his adoptive mother or his ex-wife testify on his behalf.

When it was time to be sentenced, he dared the judge to sentence him to death.

"If you want to give me the death penalty, bring it on," he told Maricopa County Superior Court Judge Cheryl Hendrix. "I'm ready."

Hendrix complied with his wish on Oct. 25, 1990.

Hendrix, now retired, has since sworn in an affidavit that if she had known about Landrigan's background, she would probably have sentenced him to life in prison.

Landrigan was first scheduled to die in 1996, but his attorneys found grounds for appeal.

In September 2007, his appeals ran out, and the Arizona Supreme Court scheduled his execution for Nov. 1, 2007.

But then the execution was stayed because the U.S. Supreme Court was deciding whether lethal injection, as practiced by Kentucky, constituted cruel and unusual punishment.

The Supreme Court approved the Kentucky protocol in April 2008 and a new Arizona protocol was hammered out in state and federal courts in 2009.

Landrigan's appeals ran out again, and he was rescheduled for execution on Tuesday.

Last week, however, Landrigan's attorneys received preliminary analysis of DNA from the case. It was not tested at the time because there was no reliable DNA testing in 1989, when the crime took place.

In 2007, attorneys had sent Dyer's pants to a crime lab to have blood and semen stains tested. Two samples of semen were found, neither of which matched Landrigan. Dyer's DNA profile is unknown. But the blood was not tested.

After Landrigan had already been scheduled to die, a Superior Court judge approved sending the pants back to the lab to test the blood. The blood was found to belong to two individuals, one assumed to be Dyer, the other a third person who was not Landrigan. The implication, defense attorneys argue, is that someone else had sex with Dyer and then the two struggled, ending in Dyer's death.

Assistant Arizona Attorney General Kent Cattani maintained that the new DNA findings were only cumulative and that because other evidence placed Landrigan at the scene of the crime, they didn't matter.

On Friday, the Arizona Board of Executive Clemency recommended that Brewer issue a reprieve on the execution based on that evidence. Brewer denied the motion Sunday night.

The sodium-thiopental shortage first became evident in May, when the state of Ohio nearly postponed an execution because it wasn't sure it could obtain the drug.

On Sept. 30, the Arizona Department of Corrections announced that it had obtained thiopental, though court hearings revealed it had not come from the FDA-approved source.

On Saturday, U.S. District Court Judge Roslyn O. Silver ordered that the state "immediately and publicly disclose" its source for the drug, its expiration date and other information about its manufacture.

Cattani told The Republic on Sunday that he would reveal only the expiration date in a motion to reconsider the ruling. And if the judge insisted, he would offer to provide the other facts under seal.

In an Oct. 18 sworn deposition, Landrigan claimed he had spoken to Department of Corrections Director Charles Ryan about the drug. A Corrections Department spokesman would not confirm the conversation.

"I asked the director if he was going to tell me where he got the drugs to kill me with," Landrigan said. "The director said it was all on the up and up."

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Monday, October 25, 2010

Influenced by national groups outside donors Arizona elections

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by Ronald J. Hansen - Oct. 24, 2010 12:00 AM
The Arizona Republic

Among the propositions on Arizona's ballot this year is a constitutional amendment to give the Legislature exclusive authority to enact laws regulating hunting and fishing. The oversight could trump even voter initiatives.

Backing Proposition 109 is the Virginia-based National Rifle Association, which has sent donations totaling nearly $190,000 to a campaign to pass the hunting measure. Not to be outdone, the Humane Society of the United States, based in Washington, D.C., has contributed $250,000 to the campaign that opposes the measure.

Combined, the groups have kicked in nearly all of the large donations in the pro and opposition campaigns. Large donations are those of at least $10,000, and they must be reported to the state within 24 hours.

National groups and out-of-state donors are playing a major role this year in trying to woo voters in the campaigns for or against four of Arizona's 10 propositions on the Nov. 2 ballot, according to an Arizona Republic analysis of state campaign-finance records. With those propositions, anywhere from two-thirds to all of the large donations come from advocacy groups based outside the state.

The heavy presence of national groups and outside donors trying to influence state elections has become a regular, if little watched, feature of the political landscape in Arizona and elsewhere in recent decades.

In the case of the NRA, for instance, "they are a typical story of how national groups sometimes look around the states and try to find a way to make progress on their issue," said Mark Alexander, a law professor and campaign-finance expert at Seton Hall University. "You get a toehold in one place and try and build on that."

Political experts say the trend is growing, with both individuals and companies increasingly doling out money to try to shift public policy. Businesses, which have been able to contribute toward Arizona ballot measures for decades, also now can donate directly to candidates in the wake of the U.S. Supreme Court's January ruling in Citizens United vs. Federal Election Commission.

It is difficult to quantify the trend of out-of-state giving to ballot measures because of differences in states' campaign-finance reports and factors that affect donor interest, such as midterm vs. presidential election years. It's also hard to determine if outside money succeeds often in swinging an election.

Regardless, in Arizona this year, outsiders are anteing up large sums on selected issues:

-?Nearly all the major donations to efforts tied to Proposition 113, which would tighten rules on union organizing in Arizona, have come from a Nevada-based organization, Save Our Secret Ballot, according to records with the secretary of state. S.O.S. Ballot, a type of non-profit that engages in political campaigning, says its overall purpose is to protect the right to a secret ballot in government-required elections.

-?Nearly two-thirds of the major cash paying for campaigns tied to a medicinal marijuana measure in Arizona, Proposition 203, is from out of state. The biggest outside donor is the Marijuana Policy Project, a non-profit based in Washington, D.C.

-?Outsiders account for all of the big donations on both sides of Proposition 107, a state constitutional amendment that could ban affirmative action in Arizona. The largest out-of-state donor was the California-based American Civil Rights Coalition, co-founded by activist Ward Connerly.

-?All but $30,000 of the nearly $440,000 in major gifts to help pass or defeat the fishing and hunting measure has come from outside groups.

Era of outsiders

Anthony Corrado, a government professor and campaign-finance expert at Colby College in Waterville, Maine, said that in the 1980s, national groups began to see ballot measures as a less expensive way to bring about influential changes.

Since then, outside groups have pushed for passage or defeat of countless measures around the country, including bans on same-sex marriage, allowing casino gambling and medicinal marijuana, and limiting abortion rights. But they also include smaller issues affecting business, regulation, taxation and other technical matters. Historically, many of those issues had gone to legislators instead.

"These tend to be the type of issues that don't draw a lot of attention, so a small amount of money can maybe make a difference," Corrado said.

With many measures, national groups are trying to immunize states from possible changes made by courts, legislatures or even Congress. In other cases, groups may try to undo changes already imposed.

The hunting and fishing proposition in Arizona may be a mix of both.

Andrew Arulanandam, director of public affairs for the NRA, said Arizona is one of four states this year where the group is urging passage of measures establishing hunting and fishing rights. The effort is aimed at preventing measures like the one passed in Michigan in 2006 that kept mourning doves off-limits to hunters, he said.

"Rather than wait for a problem to develop," he said, "we started a proactive measure a number of years ago. We are responding to a need" to protect overall hunting rights.

Wayne Pacelle, president of the Humane Society of the United States, said his organization succeeded with four Arizona ballot measures since 1994, including bans on cockfighting and steel-jaw trapping. He believes if Proposition 109 passes, it will allow the Legislature to overturn bans already approved by voters.

NRA leaders "see that the people of Arizona favor the humane treatment of animals," Pacelle said. "They don't trust the voters to protect some of the things the NRA cares about."

Both groups cite their national memberships, 4 million in the NRA and 11 million in the HSUS, as reasons to get involved on the ballot.

Good or bad?

This year, businesses and outside organizations are investing in other state elections, as well.

Animal-rights groups, including the HSUS, are major donors in a Missouri ballot measure that would tighten restrictions on dog breeding to require better care and limit puppy mills. People and groups outside Missouri account for 91 percent of the $3 million raised by a committee urging passage, records show.

In California, oil refiners in Texas, Kansas and Ohio are largely responsible for funding support of Proposition 23, which would suspend the state's efforts to reduce global warming during times of high unemployment. Overall, nearly 70 percent of the money supporting the proposition comes from outside California.

Two years ago, Proposition 8, which banned gay marriage in California, passed with considerable financial help from members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, many from Utah. The same year, a unit of Colorado-based Focus on the Family led the financial fight to ban gay marriage in Arizona, committing $215,000 to that campaign, which passed easily.

As is often the case, Alexander and Corrado said it's hard to know how decisive any help in a ballot measure is.

In 1996 and 1998, three wealthy men - including two outsiders - who favored relaxing drug laws spent heavily to influence the votes on Arizona propositions. University of Phoenix founder John Sperling, New York investor George Soros and Cleveland insurance executive Peter Lewis combined to spend more than $1 million each year in support of voting to legalize medical marijuana and lighten drug penalties.

The results fell their way. After the 1996 vote, the Legislature repealed the marijuana provision, and after the 1998 vote, federal officials threatened to prosecute any doctor who prescribed the drug.

But even well-funded efforts can fail, sometimes because outside interests are vilified and in other cases because the public simply rejects the change.

In Arizona, local and national members of the payday-loan industry spent $14 million in 2008 to preserve their businesses here. Despite nearly 30 times more money than an opposition group, the measure failed handily at the ballot box.

Still, "spending money does have an influence on the ability to get a message out," Alexander said. "And if you get a message out, you have a better chance of winning."

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Saturday, October 23, 2010

Below the U.S. average Arizona census participation

by Ronald j. Hansen - 22 October 2010 12 H.
The Arizona Republic

The percentage of households Arizona sent by mail in the forms of census 2010 has decreased slightly compared to a decade ago and are still significantly lower than the average, the Census Bureau reported Thursday.

Experts say that the lowest position participation increases the risk of an undercount, which could be particularly critical for Arizona because it could get two additional seats in the Congress with a number large population. Census counts also affect the flow of billions of Federal dollars in the States over the past decade.

Final rates released post show Thursday that 69% of households in Arizona and 74 per cent of these at the national level, by mail in recensement.Le forms Arizona participation rate was 70 percent in the 2000 census, and national rate of 74 percent. ' State ranked 41st participation.

Arizona lower starting point means workers who have been monitoring door-to-door visits necessary to take into account summer most people trying to reach a final count of the population census.Final counts for all States will be published in December.

"It is important that you are well below the average" as a result of this more difficult for the enumerators, said Kimball Brace, President of Virginia voter database Data Services, which analyzes census for the projection of the distribution of the Congress.

For months, Arizona officials feared recession, the locking of the crisis and fears among Hispanics rajouteraient enforcement of immigration laws would still hamper participation recensement.sensibilisation budgets also were smaller this year that a decade ago.

The Arizona Republic April initial response rate data analysis found that the pockets of fort-de-count Hispanic Maricopa County areas participated in the Census better districts of comparable level said national.Accolade remains to be seen if those who mail forms were also willing to talk to census workers visit during a time when the State has resonated in the debate in the Senate Bill 1070, controversial application of the immigration Act.

In Phoenix, participation fell 71 per cent in 2000 to 70 percent this année.Mesa improved from 68% to 71 %.Dans Maricopa County participation amounted to 72% both.

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Tuesday, October 19, 2010

Arizona businesses win stimulus Fund Lottery

by Emily Gersema - 19 October 2010 12 H.
The Arizona Republic

A cement plant construction in an area 35 miles north of Prescott won 17.7 million in bonds of exempt federal stimulus tax Monday at a State Lottery.

In a small staff of the Department of commerce Arizona conference room drew in a basket a little square of paper bearing the name Drake cement LLC as the first of three entrants share of $ 29.7 million facility area of links in private construction projects.

Paloma Dairy in Gila Bend receives 6 million that he has requested to add a second dairy in its paint manufacturer Dunn-Edwards opérations.Et receives 6 million for a Phoenix Sud.Il plant had requested $ 22.2 million.

The recovered commerce Department 78 million in bonds in five cities and five counties not found projects that satisfies fédéraux.Les bond eligibility requirements are a cheap loan which is exempt from tax, lowering the cost of reimbursement.

Drake cement and Dunn-Edwards officials did not return telephone calls Monday.

A representative of the dairy industry Paloma said that links mean that the firm can increase.

"This really means jobs additional Gila Bend and the surrounding area," said Jeff Shook, the controller of the dairy belonging to the family. "We expect when we are up and fully operational likely to add approximately 35 jobs, what is quite a bit for the region, because it is quite economically depressed.?

The dairy has 9 000 cows and milk Gila Bend ships United excellence at the Tempe Arizona plant.With the expansion, it will add 6 000 cows, said Shook.

Absent the drawing has been the development of red, which establishes the Office of 900 million hotel and retail landscape complex in downtown Phoenix.

In August, ADR has received support from the Phoenix Industrial Development Authority, a jury who supervises bindings exempt from tax for the city to apply to 57 million dollars in obligations for the Hotel Palomar landscape urbain.RED officials said Monday that they decided not to enter the lottery.

"We found alternative sources of funding have a best fit," spokesman Jay Thorne said.

For bonds ease developers should get support from their industrial development authorities supervise the bonds exempt from tax, provide a letter of financial commitment ensures the link could be sold and a legal statement showing that he could complete federal and State guidelines for links to appear.

The State has another $ 48 million in development for public projects, such as transit or build new Government bonds but "there is no eligible applicants," said Tiffany Frechette, business development finance director of the Department of Commerce of the State.

Three candidates, which Fréchette has refused to identify, asked some of these obligations, but did not qualify.

"This is the lottery only we" said Fréchette. ""Does the right time" to another drawing.

2009 And us recovery Reinvestment Act gave 225 million bond in Arizona.

Eight cities and seven counties received the requirements for projects but have until January 1 for assigned projects.

Federal guidelines say cities and counties must "use or lose" before the deadline, or links will expire and no one could use them.

To maintain links in the State, the Department of commerce requested cities and counties to renounce their obligations if they found no eligible projects.

Federal guidelines require that projects be "shovel ready;" developers had to have the Earth and funding for projects before applying of liaisons.Fonctionnaires in certain cities and counties said the shovel-ready requirement became an important point of friction for the développeurs.Ils have can find eligible projects, prompting to cede their obligations to the State.

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